Case Contiguity from the Germanic Perspective: Typology, diachrony and reconstruction

Originally submitted as dissertation for BA Linguistics, University of Cambridge (2021).

This paper explores Contiguity – a Nanosyntax-derived universal constraint on case syncretism – from the Germanic perspective. A set of 11 applicable Germanic varieties is examined, covering a broad geographical and diachronic range. Following data analysis, their comparison leads for an illuminating diachronic and typological picture. First, it is discovered that North and East Germanic subbranches present a different case hierarchy to West Germanic. Second, although Caha’s (2009) original Contiguity constraints are confirmed to be too strong, a more recent granular approach by Starke (2017) (which integrates underlying nuances in accusative and dative) is shown to account for the range of data. Third, from this, a case hierarchy for Proto-Germanic is posited, as well as for Proto-West-Germanic which seemingly diverged. Two significant outliers are discussed: Walser German, an isolated Alemannic subgroup, and Germanic personal pronouns. A number of potential causes for these is proposed, including contact-induced change and the conservativity of pronouns. Areas for further research are identified, including a potential nuance in genitive case (a ‘big genitive’), the next logical step from Starke’s (2017) hierarchy, which could unify the two outliers with the rest of the data. Throughout the investigation, the merit of bridging traditional linguistic dichotomies (e.g. morphology vs. syntax, synchronic vs. diachronic analysis) transpires with increasing clarity.